There were two energetic political
conversations last week that have been the subject of much discussion in the
lefty blogosphere: the Jimmy Dore exchange
with Cornell West and the Kyle Kulinski-Krystal Ball conversation
with Briahna Joy Gray. It's worth clarifying what I think is the essential issue
in both of those exchanges.
On the face of it, they were very different.
In the Kyle-Krystal-Briahna conversation,
the issues were: 1) whether Cornel West should be running as a third
party candidate rather than as a Democrat challenging Joe Biden within the
Democratic party, with Kyle and Krystal arguing for the latter and 2) whether
or not there is a substantive reason for leftists to vote for Joe Biden, who,
it was presumed, would be the Democratic nominee next November—with Kyle and
Krystal arguing that Biden had “surprisingly” earned that support, and Briahna
staunchly refusing.
In the Jimmy Dore-Cornel West conversation,
on the other hand, no one was arguing against Cornel running third-party,
and no one was arguing for voting for Biden. Jimmy supports Cornel’s
third-party run, and Cornel continually states his objection to “milquetoast
neoliberal” Biden, and never explicitly suggests that anyone should vote for
him.
Dore was, somewhat clumsily, pressing
Cornell West on something else, and did so in a way that lost focus and allowed
the conversation to get sidetracked. There’s a specific, precise question that
Jimmy could have asked, which would have gotten the answer about Cornel’s
campaign that I think he was looking for.
I should say, first of all, that I know
Cornel West. We were colleagues at Princeton together back in the day and ran
in the same social and intellectual circles. He's a great guy, I respect him
enormously, and he certainly has the best overall political position of anybody
now running for president.
Nonetheless, there are important issues regarding
the relation of Cornel and the Green Party’s campaign to the Democratic Party
and Biden (or whoever is the Democratic nominee) that Jimmy was trying to get
at, and that a lot of people on the left, myself included, want to understand precisely.
Jimmy Dore missed the opportunity to pose a key question that would have clarified
that. It’s a question that we, and Cornel, should know the answer to.
So, I asked him. On Monday, September 11th, I sent Cornel an email asking this question:
Will you, actively campaign for every vote in every state, no matter who the Democratic and Republican nominees are and no matter what effect that has on either of them?
Or, come the crunch in November—when, we are told, the outcome in four states will decide the election—is there some possibility that you will adopt what's been the previous Green Party strategy of saying that voters in swing states should vote for the Democrat in order to stop Trump or whoever is the Republican nominee?
Of course, I’m prepared to accept that
Cornel is at the moment too busy to answer an email from someone he hasn’t seen
in years.
Then, in a development this week that
surprised and caused more brouhaha among lefties, Cornel appointed Peter Daou
as his new campaign manager. Even more surprising to some, that was done on the
advice, she says,
of Jill Stein, who
“didn't know of Peter Daou in his days as DNC defender.” I won’t comment
specifically on this other than to say that either Daou’s radical break with
his horrible Clintonite political past is sincere or it’s not. We’ll see.
I have an open mind about that, but, whether Daou is reformed or not, a lot of leftists are turned off by this decision—Compton Jay of Revolutionary Blackout Network, for example:
This is like putting a "reformed" KKK member in charge of a Movement to Liberate Black people.
It's great that you are "Reformed" but in NO WAY should you be in a supervisory/advisory position.
I hope Cornel’s decision was based on more
awareness of these considerations than Jill’s recommendation. We’ll see.
Relevant to my discussion here, Daou’s
appointment gave me another address for my question. Especially when I saw this
tweet:
https://x.com/peterdaou/status/1701672247562309862?s=20
So, I immediately replied to Daou:
I think this is a crucial question, the
answer to which would tell Jimmy Dore, and us, exactly what we want to know,
without veering off into arguments about “fascism” and “white supremacy.”
In fact, I know it’s a crucial question for many leftists whose support Cornel is seeking, because a slew of them responded to my tweet thusly:
https://x.com/MysticMind17/status/1701743738110828603?s=20
"If this happens I’ll 100% vote trump and never take the Green Party serious again"https://x.com/RedemptionUBI/status/1702152774287323286?s=20
https://x.com/PromThesis/status/1702021685585535400?s=20
I have not had a response to that
question from either Cornel or Peter. I can believe Cornel is too busy. I do
not believe Daou has not seen the chain of responses to his dramatic “IRONCLAD
COMMITMENT” tweet.
It’s a question that needs a response. Leftists who “are here to oppose the system, not to
reinforce it” want to know whether Cornel West is in this to do everything he
can to build an independent, left party and movement, no matter what the
cost to either duopoly party, or whether he's in it to “raise issues,” but with
the overriding goal to prevent the Republicans—especially Trump—from winning.
In other words, to remain a pressure point on the Democratic Party.
I truly do not know
what Cornel’s answer is. I know that the campaign has to answer it or accept
the answer that many presume his silence gives. They must know that every
moment not answering that question will cost them supporters.
At any rate, the
question will be answered by November 2024, when, three days before the
election, on MSNBC, Chris Hayes asks Cornel: “Polls show a dead heat between
Biden and Trump in Pennsylvania, Arizona, and Wisconsin. Are you still urging
every voter in those states to vote for you?” and Cornel answers either simply
“Yes!” or gives some complicated version of “I’d like everyone’s vote, but I
also understand precious people’s fear of neo-fascism and the loss of democracy
under Trump. I can’t tell people how they should vote. I’ll respect everyone’s
decision”—something that allows him to say he didn’t “drop out” or “endorse the
Democrat” but sends a message of system-reinforcement that everyone
understands. Not to do that is the IRONCLAD COMMITMENT my
question asks for, and Cornel West and Peter Daou know they have not given.
Please note that this question gets to
the core of what both the Jimmy-Cornel and Kyle-Krystal-Briahna
conversations are about. The answer to this question tells us how different
Cornel West actually is from the people who are criticizing him for being
a third-party candidate, like Kyle Kulinksi. Kulinski led the attack
on Cornel for running third-party rather than Democrat, but he also says that
he’s going to vote for Cornel West in New York because it's a safe
state. For Kulinski, then, running in a third party is actually good, if it only
has a political effect in safe states.
So, if Cornel does not make the IRONCLAD
COMMITMENT to endanger the Democrats in swing states, he and Kyle Kulinski
are on the same page. They are on the same political page about the relation of
leftist politics with the Democratic Party and the duopoly—which is a lot. This
is something that leftists, to whom Cornel is making a pitch, want to and
should know.
So, I wish Jimmy Dore had asked Cornell
that question, the answer to which would clarify what he was trying to get at
in challenging Cornell. Dore may feel that the logic of the distinction Cornel
was making between Biden and Trump implies that Cornel will, indeed must,
adopt that safe state, swing state strategy.
I, too, feel that may be Cornel’s ultimate
position, but I'm not sure, and I'd like Cornell to answer it. It’s certainly my
point of view that no independent, left third party in the United States will
get anywhere until and unless it makes Democrats lose elections. The
purpose of a third party is precisely to defeat the Democrats as well as
the Republicans.
The Green Party has been problematic for
leftists, and there are all kinds of reasons why third parties may be doomed within
the US electoral system anyway. But as a general principle, a third party that
is not willing to, does not understand it must, make Democrats lose
elections is a third party that will never go anywhere. It's just a pressure
group on the Democratic Party.
This goes to the central point of how one
understands the relationship between the left and the Democratic Party. We have
this bizarre notion in the United States that there's some intrinsic relation
between the left and the Democratic Party, that leftists are naturally closer
to the Democrats. It goes back to the aura surrounding FDR, but has been
repeated among cohorts that gravitated to the Democrats because of Nixon and
Watergate or Bush and Iraq (forgetting things like the party of the Klan, and
LBJ and Vietnam).
Most leftists today consciously
understand that in the post-Clinton Democratic party, the progressive social or
peaceful international party they may have been seeking is gone, baby, gone,
and never coming back. Still, there lingers in many an unconscious, implicit
belief that there's something in the Democratic Party as an institution or in
its nominee personally—some essential quality, no matter how well hidden—that
is or wants to be a force for significant progressive change, and that the
Republican Party is the primary obstacle to any such change. Therefore, in a
political contest between the Democrats and Republicans, the left must always ultimately
support the Democrats as the only politically possible check against the
essentially more reactionary Republicans.
This is the notion that leftists are Default
Democrats.
This is a pernicious, paralyzing
assumption that we must extirpate from our minds. Being a leftist has nothing
to do with being a Democrat. The political left and right, in my
understanding of it, do not correlate with Democrat and Republican. They
correlate with class positions.
As some of us have known for a long time,
and is now clear to most leftists, the Democratic Party is not a party of, or
for, the working class. If it ever was, it has now, as Chuck Schumer has stated,
explicitly renounced any such role. It now strains—and only
intermittently—to attract working-class support, precisely because its programs
and politicians do not advance working-class interests against those of
corporate and finance capital in some way that is crucially different from the
Republican Party.
Despite any conjuring of the ghost of FDR
past, the Democratic Party is, as increasing numbers of Americans recognize, an
enemy of the working class. Despite any prior demonizing of Bush, the
Democratic Party fully internalizes his war-mongering, imperialist spirit, and
is an enemy of world peace.
It is therefore not a party of the left.
And the idea that there's any natural connection between being a leftist and
supporting Democrats, that leftists are Default Democrats, is ridiculous, and a
manacle in our minds. We absolutely must do away with that. Extirpating that
persistent and pernicious assumption from people’s minds is, in fact, one of
the most important missions of any independent left third-party movement. The intrinsic relation between the Democratic Party and the
left is that they are enemies. The Democrats know this, and leftists
should.
The Democratic party is not an
essentially more progressive institution than the Republican. Its job is to be,
and it is, as Glen Ford of Black Agenda Report said, the most effective
obstacle to any serious progressive reform. It does that by co-opting the
movements for such reform and killing them, as it did with Medicare for All,
the prime example.
Talking specifically about Biden or Trump:
Neither candidate has any claim, by any leftist metric, to be substantially
better than the other. Joe Biden is a proudly reactionary politician, who, over
his fifty-year political career, has done more damage to the American people,
to the multiracial working class—particularly to Black Americans—and to
millions of people around the world, than Donald Trump has done or is likely to
do. I repeat, by any leftist metric, by far.
l dare anyone to argue otherwise.
There’s a fundamental difference between
the left that understands itself as Default Democrats and the left that’s
indifferent to the pretension that Democrats are less of an enemy than
Republicans. It was nicely demonstrated when Kyle Kulinski said to Briahna Joy
Gray: “Let's just say it's election night, 2024. It is all of our worst
nightmare: Biden versus Trump...It's going to be Biden or Trump winning. Are
you sitting there like, yeah, of course, I would prefer Biden win over Trump,”
and she said, “Honestly, I don't care.”
They are living in two different political
paradigms. I’m with Briahna. I don’t know where Cornel West is.
As I understand it, to be a leftist means
precisely not to be in some complicated sympathetic relationship with,
but to reject being a Democrat.
Of course, these discussions really need
to be re-considered in light of the fact that Joe Biden is not going to
be the Democratic nominee in November 2024. His cognitive decline is too fast
and too obvious.
So, what will Kyle and Krystal do with a
Democrat that does not have what they consider Biden’s “surprising”
presidential accomplishments, which, they say, are what made him worthy of
their support?
Will Cornel find a less/different
“milquetoast neoliberal” more worthy to protect in swing states?
As The Party comes back
into focus as the principal actor, everyone will demonstrate whether their true
allegiance is to it or something else.
Actually, Kyle has already answered,
endorsing Gavin Newsom, the Party’s likely replacement, who’s “net, net…slightly
to the left of Joe Biden.” Kulinski instantly replaced praise for Biden’s
“surprising” NLRB policy with applause for Newsom's wonderful labor
achievements ("sectoral bargaining…which is massive for fast-food workers”).
Via text, email, or telepathically, he's getting a memo from the DNC, saying,
"Focus on labor issues. We need the unions."
We’ll have to await Cornel West’s “net,
net” appraisal.
Don’t forget, it’s only on domestic
policy so-called progressives can make any pretense of significant distinction
between the Democrats and Republicans.
No one can any longer make the case that
the Democratic Party is any less imperialist and warmongering than the
Republican Party. Kyle Kulinski going on about how Joe Biden was less likely to
get us into World War III was another classic, different-universe-of-thought moment.
In the universe Briahna and I live in, Biden’s already got us in World War III.
So the core issue in both of these
discussions—which you see explicitly in Kulinski and Krystal Ball, and maybe
implicitly in Cornel—is whether a leftist is a Default Democrat. One votes for
the Democrats by default because something about that party is just essentially
more “leftist” (or less “fascist”) than the Republicans.
Again, from my left position, the Democratic
Party has to be understood as the most effective obstacle to any significant
social-democratic or anti-imperialist policy. They take popular positions—Medicare-for-all,
end forever wars—that would win elections, pretend they'll doing something about
them, and actually kill them—not because Republicans prevent
them, but because the Democratic Party itself opposes them.
That's what they did with Medicare for
all. The Republican party did not and could not stop a progressive program like
Medicare for all, which is enormously popular among Republicans and Democrats. If
we had a Democratic president, and a Democratic party and its allied media,
who were committed to getting it, if they would repeatedly and
consistently argue for, explain, promote, and use every political tool to
achieve it—half as much as they did to promote Russiagate and impeach Trump
twice, and send hundreds of millions to Ukraine—the Republicans could not stop
it. And the Democrats know that.
But we don’t. And we don’t have a “weak”
version of it; we have the opposite. It is only because the
Democrats don't do that and won't do that, and are strongly opposed to
it, not because the Republicans prevent them from doing it, that we do
not now have Medicare-for-All.
If we are ever going to have
Medicare-for-All, or any significant social-democratic program like it, we have
to reject and defeat the party that deliberately and effectively kills
such initiatives.
Briahna’s exchange with Kyle and Krystal
about Biden not canceling student debt was another case in point.
So, I enjoyed watching both of these charged
exchanges. Briahna Joy Gray was brilliant with Krystal and Kyle. Jimmy Dore
stumbled and missed a chance to get a precise, on-point answer. But we can see
that the core issue in both conversations was the relationship between the left
and the Democratic Party, and how that defines the purpose of a third-party
campaign.
We know what Kyle and Krystal’s position
is, and I think Cornell should state clearly whether he’s ironclad committed to
campaigning for every vote in every state, or only in a way that will not allow
his campaign to be the reason Biden (the Democratic party) is defeated by Trump
(the Republican party).
That’s what I think Jimmy Dore was getting at. That’s what would tell us something about how different Cornell is from Bernie Sanders or Kyle Kulinski. That, I think, is something a lot of leftist inquiring minds want to know.
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Related posts: Joe or No
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